There is a reason not to define relevance in terms of cognitive attitudes or beliefs. In most cases, individuals cannot properly articulate their rating standards and sometimes even cannot articulate certain opinions they issue. As a result, direct epistemic access is impossible when it comes to knowing an individual`s norm from the perspective of a third person. All we have as such is the behavior and the ability to derive preferences from it. Defeat: Learning that a peer disagrees with you (P) gives you reason to believe that you are wrong about (P). After all, skepticism about disagreement is exclusively epistemic. These are the epistemic reasons for faith. Fulfilling the conditions to recognize controversy raises a problem for these reasons, but we haven`t said anything about the moral, regulatory, or even religious reasons you might have for maintaining a controversial faith. The skeptical threat of disagreement concerns only our epistemic reasons.
In this context, if there is a standard of thoughtful faith, public skepticism may have implications for that norm, but only by addressing the epistemic reasons one has for believing. It seems that awareness of disagreements, at least in many cases, can provide a strong reason to believe that one`s belief is false. When you learned that your sister thought the piano was in the cave instead of the living room, you found a good reason to believe that it really wasn`t in the living room, because you know very well that your sister is a generally intelligent person who has a proper background experience (she also lived in the house), and is about as honest, direct and good at remembering childhood events as you are. Given all this, if you stick to your belief that the piano was in the living room, will it be reasonable to maintain that belief? Armed in this way, let`s take a look at the disagreements of judgment. We have identified two different motivations for the discussion: we want to either correct or convince our interlocutors. These motivations are rooted in our attitude towards the evaluation or standard of the other party: we would like to say that people are inclined to argue when they find that the speaker`s standard is appropriate but poorly applied, appropriate but deficient, or not appropriate at all. This argument for good reasons has been answered in several ways. Kelly (2010) has since rejected the argument, arguing that if more of his own evidence supports the suspension of the verdict, arbitration will be required. Since higher-order evidence requires the stay of judgment on the impugned proposal, there will be a conciliatory push, even if the initial first-order evidence still plays an important role in the justified position. Others responded to the argument by rejecting Kelly`s original description of the case (see Matheson 2009). If my proof at (t) includes not only first-order evidence, but also higher-order evidence about myself (ii), then even if the new higher-order evidence obtained at (t`), (iii) is rescinded (ii), this will still require doxastic arbitration from (t) to (t`). Alternatively, (ii) and (iii) together may apply for a stay of judgment as to whether (E) (P) supports.
Some have argued that a justified suspension of the verdict on whether your evidence supports (P) will result in all your evidence in support of a stay of judgment in the direction of (P) (see Feldman 2006 and Matheson 2015a). See Lasonen-Aarnio 2014 for another view of the effects of higher-order evidence. Many disagreements are one by one: one person disagrees with another person and as far as they know, they are the only two who have an opinion on the subject. Lisa thinks she and Marie should move in together; Then Lisa discovers that Mary has the opposite opinion. Bob and his sister Teri disagree on whether their father had an affair when they were children. In this case, they know that the others have the answer – for one, their father – but for various reasons, the opinions of the others are not accessible. Others agreed that personal information can act as a symmetry breaker, giving the subject a reason to favor his or her own point of view, but deny that such a benefit would be available in appropriately idealized cases of disagreement among peers (Matheson 2015a). The use of personal data to dismiss the opinion of your interlocutor would not violate independence, so the defender does not have to oppose the view of equal weight in this regard. Although Turiel`s (1979, 1983) moral-conventional distinction was articulated long before the development of MFT, it anticipates one of the most common reactions to MFT that we have heard from other scholars: two foundations – care and fairness – are legitimately moral and apply to all times and places, while the other three are conventional – valued at certain times and in certain places. but not in the same way as care and equity. This criticism was repeated by Jost (2009), who raised the normative objection that calling loyalty, authority and holiness “morally” could legitimize everything from chauvinism to blind obedience to prejudice and racism. Jost`s objection raises a justified criticism of some of our writings (Haidt, 2007b; Haidt & Graham, 2007), which blurred the line between descriptive and normative, emphasizing the importance of carefully distinguishing the two.
MFT is designed to provide a purely descriptive understanding of human morality, not to provide a normative justification (or condemnation) of certain moral judgments or concerns. Although the word “moral” may introduce ambiguities because it has both descriptive and normative uses, MFT is about the foundations of morality as observed around the world, not the moral systems that should prevail. The question of whether error theorists are right in their diagnoses revolves around two different questions: (1) the nature of our daily moral obligations, especially the extent to which our moral language requires truly robust objectivity and practical weight, and (2) whether an evolutionary history really undermines the obligations of our moral language and concepts (whatever they may be). Those who reject evolutionary theories of moral error can respond to the error theorist`s position on (1) and/or (2). Direct intuition: We intuitively understand that one of the parties rejects what the other has said. Despite the collective coherence suggested by the use of “we” in this chapter, we constantly discuss among ourselves changes to existing foundations and considerations for new candidate foundations. Iyer (2009) first pointed out that our measures of equity focus on equality rather than justice, and that concerns about equality are often driven by concern for others, while concerns about justice can be very different (Iyer, Read, & Correia, 2010). Iyer (2009) also questioned the pragmatic benefits of separating loyalty and authority, suggesting that the two concerns could be conceptually seen as part of a single basis for subsuming one`s own interests for one`s own group. Libertarians` analyses (described in section 3.2.4) have raised the question of whether freedom/oppression is a moral concern in its own right that cannot be reduced to self-interest or existing foundations. And in responses to open-ended questions about what people felt guilty about (or how they didn`t live up to their values), violations of honesty are more common than any other type of concern (see Iyer, 2010, on treating honesty as a separate basis). We are currently studying all this within the framework of the methodological and theoretical coevolution of the MFT.
These two stories show that one`s own action of preserving one`s faith – this intellectual action – can be epistemically fine, even if the faith maintained is not. And, more importantly, we need to distinguish two questions about getting new information (which have nothing to do with disagreements): Results: The more cognitively deficient dyads of older caregivers (37.4%) had disagreements about the preference for home care over the cognitively intact dyads of older caregivers (20.5%) (pp. <.001). From a seniors` perspective, a lower preference for home care was associated with cognitive impairment, while a greater preference was associated with depression (for cognitively intact seniors), increased use of community service, and functional impairments. From a nurse`s perspective, a greater preference for home care was associated with a greater burden on caregivers or care recipients with cognitive or functional disabilities, or with greater use of community services […].